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-- National Vanguard, March 1984 --
The Tragedy of Argentina The Latin American nation of the greatest racial value has fallen into the hands of the greatest enemy of the race
Argentina is one of the few Latin American nations with a population which is substantially White although approximately 85 per cent of Argentine Whites have their roots along Europe's southern shores and thus show a strong Mediterranean racial influence. Most of the other 15 per cent come from northern Italy, Poland, Germany, and Britain. Of Argentina's 29 million inhabitants today, only about two million are of Indian or mestizo ancestry.
Unfortunately for Argentina, however, it has the fifth largest concentration of Jews in the world (after the United States, Israel, the Soviet Union, and France): more than 400,000 of them, three-fourths of whom live in the capital city of Buenos Aires, where they have long had a vastly disproportionate role in the economic life of the nation. In the past three months the Jews have extended their power from Argentina's financial institutions to the highest control centers of the government; they are now consolidating their grip on the nation's legislative and executive machinery and moving to repress all opposition to their rule.
Buring most of Argentina's history the country has been ruled by generals from its army or by civilian oligarchs, who have provided a strongly conservative influence and to a large degree prevented the Jews from using their money to subvert national policy. Thus, Argentina remained neutral in the First World War and resisted strong Judaeo-American pressure to enter the War against Germany. (1)
Throughout the period of National Socialist power in Germany, there was much pro-German feeling in Argentina, and an unfettered press kept the public there more aware of the Jewish danger than in most other countries. The Jews were left with little more to do than infiltrate Argentina's various political parties, which were outlawed much of the time, and wait for a chance to make their move.
In 1946 50-year-old Colonel Juan Peron, who had been a member of a ruling military junta since 1943, became Argentina's president. He was a charismatic leader who had built a political vehicle for himself in the form of the Labor Party, a populist grouping with strong support among Argentina's lowest classes; it later became a genuine mass movement. Peron ruled for nearly a decade after 1946.
Peron's economic policy, which provided large wage hikes and a huge welfare program to satisfy his working-class supporters, led to serious difficulties after 1949, as inflation increased and Argentine exports decreased. Peron was no left-wing ideologue, however, and he became increasingly conservative in the early 1950s in an effort to improve the economy. He also cracked down on the political meddling of the Catholic Church, thereby earning himself many powerful enemies.
Jews today characterize Peron and his movement as "anti-Semitic." A writer for Washington's Jewish Week (November 17, 1983) says, "The Peronist regime was a proNazi fascistic state," and goes on to complain about "its extensive anti-Jewish persecutions." Actually, Peron curried favor with the Jews during his rise to power and the early years of his rule, but he was strong enough to prevent them from controlling him.
Peron's following came to include Argentinians from many sectors of society, and a number of Jews were among them. They established a strong beachhead in the left wing of the Peronist movement, but patriotic Peronists were able to keep them in check to a certain extent. The claims of "extensive anti-Jewish persecutions" are simply more Jewish "Holocaust" hyperbole. Peron, in fact, opened new avenues to power for the Jews.
Peron was ousted by a military coup in 1955, and Argentina then experienced three years of military rule followed by eight years of democratic political activity. The latter period was marked by economic instability and growing labor
unrest. In 1966 another coup brought military government back, this time determined to restore the economy through a program of austerity .
Unrest worsened under the new military government, and the Jews organized a Trotskyite-communist group, the People's Revolutionary Army, which became increasingly active after 1968, engaging in kidnappings, bombings, and other terrorist activities. They also agitated tirelessly among university students, provoking a number of student riots in 1969.
Peron's followers, who already had divided into left-wing and right-wing factions, were involved in a struggle of growing bitterness to determine the future course of the Peronist movement. In 1970 one of the left-wing Peronist groups with a particularly strong Jewish cadre, the Montoneros, began waging guerrilla warfare against both the military government and the moderate and rightist factions of the Peronist movement. The Montoneros climaxed a series of assassinations in the spring of 1970 by kidnapping and murdering General Pedro Aramburu, who had headed the government from 1955 to 1958.
Wealthy Jews in Argentina's financial and banking establishment funneled millions of pesos to the Montoneros, the People's Revolutionary Army, and other groups attempting to overthrow the government. At the same time Jews on Argentina's university campuses served as recruiting agents for the guerrilla groups, while Jews in the news media -- Buenos Aires newspaper publisher Jacobo Timerman (2) is an outstanding example worked at softening up public opinion.
An interesting illustration of the way the Jews worked during this period is provided by the case of David Graiver. A member of a Jewish banking family with roots in Poland, Graiver supervised an international financial empire from his Buenos Aires offices, with operations in Israel, Mexico, the United States, and a dozen other countries .
He became Argentina's master swindler. A fictitious company he set up in Panama, New Loring, Inc., swindled investors, mainly wealthy Mexicans, out of $20 million. With the aid of American-Jewish real-estate speculator Philip Klutznick, who later became Jimmy Carter's Secretary of Commerce, Graiver gained control of the American Bank & Trust in the United States and looted it of $50 million, causing the fourth-largest bank failure in U.S. history. Graiver also served, in effect, as the Montoneros' minister of finance. Not only did he pour much of his ill-gotten wealth into their war chest, but he "laundered" millions of dollars in ransom payments they obtained from their kidnappings.(3)
In the midst of this revolutionary turmoil Argentina's military leaders again relinquished rule, and Juan Peron returned to power as the country's elected president in 1973.
He died the following year and was succeeded by his third wife, Isabel, who lacked her husband's charisma and strength.
During this second Peronist period the People's Revolutionary Army and the Montoneros joined forces and greatly stepped up their terrorist activity, while student rioters combined efforts with Marxist elements in the labor movement to bring the country practically to a standstill. In 1975, for example, more than 1,100 Argentinians were murdered by terrorists, and the cost of living for the average citizen increased by 335 per cent. It was becoming increasingly evident that the elected Peronist government could cope with the terrorists and Argentina's economic problems no better than the preceding military government had.
Finally, on March 24, 1976, the country's military leaders intervened once more, and a military junta led by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videla assumed control of the government. Argentina then remained under military rule until December 10, 1983, when the government was turned over to President Raul Alfonsin and his Radical Civic Union Party, which won the elections the junta had permitted to take place on October 30. That, the generals have already discovered, was a bad mistake. As soon as they had taken over in March 1976, at the height of the revolutionary terror, the generals had declared martial law and unleashed a fierce counter-terror campaign against the Montoneros and their allies among the students, labor activists, financiers, etc. Tens of thousands of people were arrested and interrogated. Some were imprisoned without trial; others simply "disappeared" and are presumed to have been executed. There were an estimated 15,000 of the latter, among them approximately 3,000 Jews.
No one denies that the generals used ferocious tactics in suppressing Argentina's internal enemies. The point is that their tactics worked, whereas nothing else that either they or the democratic politicians had tried previously did; the Montoneros and the People's Revolutionary Army were crushed, the rioting was halted, and the Jewish-Marxist terror ceased. Many prominent Jews who had been involved in subversive activity fled abroad, where they could safely revile the military government and assist in persuading countries such as the United States to apply diplomatic and economic pressure against Argentina. Among these Jews was Jose Gelbard, a former minister of economics, and -- after he was finally released from prison -- the aforementioned Jacobo Timerman.
Unfortunately, the generals were not as adept at reviving the Argentine economy as they were at fighting terrorists. The cost of living continued to rise, along with Argentina's foreign debt. Finally, in what seems to have been an ill-conceived move to stimulate the Argentinians' sense of patriotism and take their minds off the economy, the generals renewed the nation's 19th-century claim to the Falkland Islands, which lie in the South atlantic some 300 miles northeast of Argentina's southern tip and which had been wrested from Spain by Britain more than 200 years earlier. The result of the claim was a brief war between Argentina and Britain in 1982.
If the generals had been able to win the Falkland Islands War, they also might have gained time and public support for their efforts to cure Argentina's economy. But they lost, and time rapidly ran out on thern. For the fourth time since the end of the Second World War they permitted the political parties to take over.
This time, unfortunately, there was no political leader strong enough, like Juan Peron, to win the support of the voters while maintaining his independence from Jewish influence. Raul Alfonsin's Radical Civic Union Party was already riddled with Jews, and in the brief period since the election dozens more have entered his administration. The gloating in Jewish periodicals -- the ones intended for Jewish eyes -- is hardly restrained. An example is the January 1984 issue of the ADL Bulletin, published by the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, the principal Jewish intelligence and disinformation agency. Rabbi Morton M. Rosenthal, director of the ADL's Latin American Affairs Department, writes:
Large numbers of Jews were attracted to President Alfonsin's Radical Civic Union Party. Since his election on October 30, he has moved swiftly to bring prominent Jews to key positions in his Government. He appointed Bernardo Grinspun as Minister of Economy: as vice-president of the Central Bank he named Leopoldo Portnoy. The president of the National Development Bank, Mario Brodersohn, and the Under Secretary for Science and Technology, Carlos Sadowsky, are also Jewish. Jews running on the Radical Party ticket were also elected, most notably Caesar Jaroslavsky, who will lead his party's majority in the national Chamber of Deputies.Most notably, indeed! Nevertheless, the fact that a Jew now heads Argentina's national legislative body has not exactly been shouted from the rooftops by the controlled news media -- the ones intended for Gentile eyes -- in the United States. What has been abundantly evident, however, is their change of attitude toward Argentina, which has been elevated in their esteem from international pariah to praiseworthy model of civic virtue almost overnight.
Arms embargoes and economic sanctions have melted away as rapidly as has editorial censure. A smiling U.S. Vice-President George Bush jetted down to Buenos Aires to shake hands with President Alfonsin in front of a regiment of cameramen. A big foreign-aid grant cannot be far behind. There is mention of Jews in Argentina by the controlled media in the United States, of course -- but it is all about how the poor dears suffered under that awful, anti-Semitic junta which turned the government over to Mr. Alfonsin in December. Each week sees more lurid "Holocaust" claims than the week before about unmarked graves being found full of the corpses of persons who were arrested by the military government during the late 1970s and never seen alive again. There are teary interviews with relatives and imaginative recitations by released prisoners of the fiendish tortures to which they were subjected.
It all has a familiar ring. They are not yet claiming that the Argentines converted six million of them into soap and lampshades, but the rest of the key words are there. Says Rabbi Marshall Meyer, who fled from Buenos Aires to the United States during the period when the Marxist terror was being suppressed by the military government and has just been appointed by the Alfonsin government to investigate what happened to the people who disappeared then (not the people who were killed by the Marxists, of course; just those killed by the anti-Marxists) :
Nobody can doubt that there were crematoria in Argentina. I'm talking about crematoria, I'm talking about concentration camps.. . . They were in these camps, these secret camps of detention which were called, at another period, concentration camps. They were all throughout the country. . . . Some of them utilized ovens. Some of them just doused people in gas and burned them. . .I must say that I for the first time as a Jew understood the people who lived 20 or 30 miles from Auschwitz who never asked what was the smoke coming out of the chimneys of Auschwitz.(4)
Footnote1: Argentina finally made a pro forma declaration of war against Germany and Japan on March 27, 1945, in order to have the economic and diplomatic sanctions imposed against the country by the Jewish bloc lifted. The Second World War was practically over by then, of course.Footnote2: Timerman was the publisher of the left-wing Buenos Aires newspaper La Opinion. For a synopsis of his activities, see "Jewish Claims of 'Persecution' in Argentina Proved Fraudulent," NATIONAL VANGUARD, June 1981, p.1.
Footnote3: "Commerce Head in Bank Scandal," NATIONAL VANGUARD, February 1980, p. 10.
Footnote4: From an interview with reporter Carla Hall, Washington Post, February 12, 1984.
-- National Vanguard, March 1984 -- National Alliance Main Page | National Vanguard Directory | This Issue