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-- National Vanguard, March 1984 --
Names in the News
RONALD REAGAN has been caught so many times telling anecdotes that weren't true, it seems that he would have learned to be more careful. But he hasn't. His latest fib, apparently intended to gain Jewish support for his election campaign, was about his personal experience with the "Holocaust," and he told it to head "Holocaust" huckster Simon Wiesenthal when the latter visited the White House last month. It was a variation on a story he had told Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir more than two months earlier. Both Shamir and Wiesenthal repeated the story to news reporters, and it was printed widely.
Reagan, according to his story, was a member of an Army film crew assigned to take motion pictures at German concentration camps at the close of the Second World War. He saw the heaps of dead Jews himself, he said, and would never forget how horrible it was. He also said he had saved a reel of the film he shot, so that in case anyone ever questioned him as to whether the "Holocaust" had really happened, he would be able to show them.
Alas, those pesky news reporters, curious about slight differences between the Shamir and Wiesenthal versions of the story, checked a few details. What they found was that Reagan, who had a commission in the cavalry reserve, was called to active duty in April 1942. After brief service at Fort Mason, in San Francisco, he was assigned to an Army Air Corps training unit in Hollywood, where he spent the remainder of the war, living at home. He was never sent outside the United States and never visited a concentration camp.
JESSE JACKSON's presence in the 1984 presidential campaign continues to be pregnant with fascinating possibilities. The recent confrontation between Jackson and the Jews went from the controlled media's front burner to their back burner early this month, after Jackson's public apologies for having called Jews "Hymies" in the past, but those apologies have by no means resolved the underlying issue. As is the case with most other politically aware Blacks, Jackson's sympathies lie with the Arabs rather than with the Jews in the Middle East. He has been cautious in his public statements on the Middle East so far, but he met with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in 1979, and last year he was among the first of the Democrats to call for withdrawal of U.S. Marines from Lebanon. His pro-Palestinian views are well known among his intimates and undoubtedly prompted the Arab League to give two of his Chicago-based PUSH organizations donations of $100,000 each in 1981, about which the media have been squawking recently.
Beyond this, Jackson shares the seething resentment which most other Black leaders of the "civil rights" movement feel toward the Jews who patronized that movement as long as it served Jewish interests and then abandoned it to move into the New Right when Jewish interests changed. He has expressed this resentment in many ways besides his references to "Hymies.
One of Jackson's comments which most angered Jews was his statement on their grossly exaggerated "Holocaustl claims: "I am sick and tired of hearing about the Holocaust and having America being put in the position of a guilt trip. We have to get on with the issues today and not talk about the Holocaust. The Jews do not have a monopoly on suffering."
Such comments are seen by the Jews as warning signs of a very dangerous trend which has been developing for a long time. Blacks were useful when they could be used as a collective battering ram to break down White traditions and White social customs and White solidarity. The Blacks needed Jewish lawyers and Jews in the media a few years ago, during the initial stages of their joint assault on White society, and so they let the Jews call all the shots. Now the Blacks are not so convinced as before that they need the Jews. They are itching to call a few shots themselves.
Most Jew-wise Black leaders have either been ignored or bought off, and their resentment has had no effective means for expressing itself and influencing the Black masses. Jackson, however, cannot easily be ignored, especially since his spectacular New Year "rescue" of a downed Black airman in Damascus and his rise in the Democratic polls to fourth place. And he seems already to have established a private pipeline into Arab funds, so it may be hard to buy him off.
Being forced to apologize publicly to the Jews last month did not sit well with Jackson. If nothing unexpected happens during the remainder of the presidential primary campaign, however, such as another media attack on Jackson or a sudden escalation of U.S. involvement in the Middle East, the present uneasy truce between Jackson and the Jews may hold. But if Jackson is angered further by the way the news media treat him -- even if he is pushed into a corner financially by a shortage of campaign funds -- he may counterattack.
Members of such groups as Rabbi Meir Kahane's thuggish Jewish Defense League, the even more thuggish Jewish Defense Organization, and the ad hoc Jews Against Jackson are still responding hysterically to this possibility, despite Jackson's "Hymie" apologies, by showing up at his campaign speeches fo shriek out their hatred of him, howling that he is an "anti-Semite" and an "enemy of the Jewish people" -- a tactic which must make the cooler heads among the Jewish media masters exceedingly nervous. What the latter want more than anything else now is to keep the lid from coming off the question of Jackson's feelings about the Jews again.
European publicists have been more forthright. They see Jackson as someone just waiting for a chance to Strike out against the Jews and blame them publicly for everything from the Reagan administration's weaker pro-welfare and pro-Black positions to the diversion of money to Israel which could have been used to feed and house poor Blacks instead. For example, the January 10 issue of Austria's Wochenpresse went so far as to epitomize Jackson's attitude as, "Die Juden sind schuld." ("The Jews are to blame.")
The Canadian news media have also been more willing to discuss openly the growing tension between Jackson and the Jews. A news story in the January 23 issue of the Toronto Daily Star suggests, in fact, that the Jewish hysteria stimulated by Jackson's candidacy is sometimes expressing itself as a resentment against all Blacks. During a Black-Jewish "brotherhood" meeting at Toronto's Beth Sholom Synagogue on January 22, where a retired Black judge from Jamaica, Stanley Grizzle, was the guest speaker, one Jewess began screaming insults at him from the audience, referring to him as a shvartze (Yiddish for Negro, generally considered derogatory) and demanding to know whether or not he agreed with Jackson's views on the Middle East. Why, the Jewess asked, should Jews continue to push for more privileges for Blacks when Jackson and many of his supporters would not take Israel's side in its war against the Arabs .
The best thing that could happen in the 1984 campaign would be for this attitude among Jews to continue being expressed forcefully and frequently, until Jackson responds by throwing caution to the winds and speaking out strongly on the Jewish question to his growing army of Black supporters. If that occurs Blacks could become by far the largest bloc of voters demanding that the U.S. government scrap its long-standing Israel-first policy -- a bloc large enough to pry even a few White politicians loose from the grip of the Jewish lobby.
Jesse Jackson's Psychological Gratification
Jews, eternally vigilant, recognize an enemy, actual or potential, in Jesse Jackson, and the Jewish cornrnuPlity buzzes with talk on what should be done about him. Whites, eternally unsuspecting, see him only as a Democratic presidential contender with more charisma than his White rivals. Young, liberal Whites, in particular, have been swooning over his "spirituality," and many have been volunteering to work alongside his Black campaign helpers to register more Black voters for him. They have been carried away by his powerful, rhythmic oratory and his preaching of Black-White "brotherhood.
Many of these Whites were too young to read when the November 21, 1969, issue of Life magazine carried a lengthy article about the Reverend Jackson, who was then preaching every Saturday morning to a Black television audience and to a live audience of 4,000 Blacks -- in Chicago. Life reported :... Sometimes he preaches on the legacy of slavery, and one senses that as he stands up there, his eyes ablaze, arms flailing, neck veins rigid, he is feeling every lash of every old whip. During these sermons Jackson sweats profusely, the only visible symptom of sickle-cell trait, a chronic blood disease that saps his stamina but which he ignores in the drama of the moment. Jackson talks about himself at these meetings. Once he told of his days as a waiter at the Jack Tar Hotel in his home town of Greenville, S.C. Just before leaving the kitchen he would spit into the food of white patrons he hated and then smilingly serve it to them. He did this, he said, "because it gave me psychological gratification." It was something everybody in the audience understood.
Yes, the Blacks undertood then, and they understand now. The Jews have always understood. But the Whites seem never to understand.
KLAUS BARBIE, who had been a German police official in occupied France during the Second World War, became another pawn in the Jews' worldwide "Holocaust" scam when he was spirited from Bolivia to France last year. He was to be made the defendant in yet another circus trial designed to maintain the Jews public image as the preeminent "victims" of the war.
The media coverage of Barbie and his alleged "crimes" has been nonstop ever since, with American Jews and their Gentile collaborators recently issuing denunciations of the U.S. Army for using Barbie as a counter-intelligence agent against communists after the war and then helping him escape to South America.
A development in the Barbie case on which the controlled media have not seen fit to comment, however, has been the discovery of forged documents among the evidence provided by Barbie's prosecutors.
One of the charges against Barbie is that he supervised a 1944 Gestapo raid on a Jewish children's home in Lyons, France, where 41 young Jews were rounded up and deported. But his defense attorneys were able to prove that a supposed Gestapo report on the raid signed by Barbie was a forgery, according to a Jewish Telegraphic Agency news report from Paris which has appeared in a number of Jewish periodicals in America. Even a French appeals court, under intense Jewish pressure to rule against Barbie, agreed that the report obviously had been forged.
But don't expect a mere technicality like that to win an acquital for Barbie. Forged documents and perjured witnesses are standard fare in "war crimes" trials, whether in the United States or France. Unfortunately, one must turn to Jewish publications to learn about such chicanery.
-- National Vanguard, March 1984 --
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